The City-State

The basic political division on Gor is that of the city-state. Let's look at a history of the city-state on Earth courtesy of Encyclopaedia Brittanica ©2007.

The city-state is a political system consisting of an independent city having sovereignty over contiguous territory and serving as a center and leader of political, economic, and cultural life. The term originated in England in the late 19th century and has been applied especially to the cities of ancient Greece, Phoenicia, and Italy and to the cities of medieval Italy.

The name was initially given to the political form that crystallized during the classical period of Greek civilization. The city-state's ancient Greek name, polis, was derived from the citadel (acropolis), which marked its administrative center; and the territory of the polis was usually fairly limited. City-states differed from tribal or national systems in size, exclusiveness, patriotism, and passion for independence. The origin of city-states is disputed. It is probable that earlier tribal systems broke up during a period of economic decline and the splintered groups established themselves between 1000 and 800 BC as independent nuclei of city-states that covered peninsular Greece, the Aegean islands, and western Asia Minor. As they grew in population and commercial activity, they sent out bands of emigrants who created similar city-states on the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea, mainly between 750 and 550 BC.

The thousands of city-states that sprang into existence during these centuries were remarkable for their diversity. Every variety of political experiment from monarchy to communism was practiced, and the fundamental principles of political life were formulated by their philosophers. The vigour and intensity of the citizens' experience were such that they made unparalleled advances in all fields of human activity, except industry and technology, and laid the basis of Greco-Roman civilization. The particularism of city-states was their glory and their weakness. Incapable of forming any permanent union or federation, they fell victim to the Macedonians, the Carthaginians, and the Roman Empire, under which they lived on as dependent privileged communities (municipia). Rome, which began its republican history as a city-state, pursued policies of foreign expansion and government centralization that led to the annihilation of the city-state as a political form in the ancient world.

The revival of city-states was noticeable by the 11th century, when several Italian towns had reached considerable prosperity. They were mostly in Byzantine territory or had maintained contact with Constantinople (Istanbul) and could thus take full advantage of the revival of eastern trade. Foremost among them were Venice and Amalfi, the latter reaching the height of its commercial power about the middle of the century; others included Bari, Otranto, and Salerno. Amalfi, for a short time a serious rival of Venice, declined after having submitted to the Normans in 1073. Then Venice received, with the privilege of 1082, exemption from all customs duties within the Byzantine Empire. In the 11th century Pisa, the natural port of Tuscany, began to rise amid struggles with the Arabs, whom it defeated repeatedly; and Genoa, which was to be its rival for centuries, was following suit. Among the inland towns — as yet less conspicuous — Pavia, which had owed much of its early prosperity to its role as capital of the Lombard kingdom, was rapidly outdistanced by Milan; Lucca, on the Via Francigena from Lombardy to Rome and for a long time the residence of the margraves of Tuscany, was the most important Tuscan inland town.

The importance of fortified centers during the Hungarian and Arab incursions contributed to the development of towns. Town walls were rebuilt or repaired, providing security both to citizens and to people from the country; and the latter found further places of refuge in the many fortified castelli with which the countryside began to be covered. The Norman conquest of southern Italy put an end to the progress of municipal autonomy in that region. Whether it took the form of a conflict with the established authorities or of peaceful transition, the ultimate result of the communal movement in the north was full self-government. Originally the communes were, as a rule, associations of the leading sections of the town population; but they soon became identical with the new city-state. Their first opponents were often, but by no means always, the bishops; in Tuscany, where margravial authority was strong, the Holy Roman emperor Henry IV encouraged rebellion against his rival Matilda by granting extensive privileges to Pisa and to Lucca in 1081; and Matilda's death made it possible for Florence to achieve independence.

The first organs of the city-state were the general assembly of all its members (parlamento, concio, arengo) and the magistracy of the consuls. At an early date a council began to replace the unwieldy assembly for ordinary political and legislative business; and, with the growing complexity of the constitution, further councils emerged, conditions varying considerably from town to town. During the 12th century, the consular office was usually monopolized by the class that had taken the initiative in the establishment of the commune. This class was usually composed of small feudal or nonfeudal landowners and the wealthier merchants. In Pisa and Genoa the commercial element was predominant, while in parts of Piedmont the commune derived from the associations of the local nobility. Thus the early city-state was predominantly aristocratic. The fortified towers of the leading families, resembling the feudal castles of the countryside, were characteristic of these conditions. In Italy there had in fact never been the same separation between town and countryside as there had been, for instance, in northern France and in Germany; feudal society had penetrated into the towns, while nonnoble citizens were often landowners outside their walls. This link between town and country was to become stronger and more complex in the course of communal history.

From the beginning the conquest of the countryside (contado) became one of the main objectives of city-state policy. The small fortified townships (castelli) and the lesser rural places were now absorbed by the city-states. The divisions and subdivisions of feudal property, partly the result of the Lombard law of inheritance, weakened many feudal houses and thus facilitated the conquest, while the bishops could not prevent the extension of communal control to their lands. The members of the rural nobility were subjected one by one and often forced to become citizens; others did so voluntarily. Only a small number of the more powerful families, such as the house of Este, the Malaspina, the Guidi, and the Aldobrandeschi, succeeded in maintaining their independence — and that not without frequent losses and concessions.

The enormous difference in size between a city-state and a nation-state points to a fundamental dilemma. By limiting the size of a city-state, citizens can in principle, if not always in practice, directly influence the conduct of their government — e.g., by participating in an assembly. But limiting size comes at a cost: important problems — notably defense against larger and more powerful states and the regulation of trade and finance — will remain beyond the capacity of the government to deal with effectively. Alternatively, by increasing the size of the city-state — i.e., by enlarging its geographic area and population — citizens can increase the capacity of the government to deal with important problems, but only at the cost of reducing their opportunities to influence the government directly through assemblies or other means.

Leadership in the typical Gorean city consists of a council of members of the High Castes elected by the High Castes. Additionally, the High Castes elect an administrator to govern the city in tandem with the council. It is a story taught to children in High Castes that to allow any of the Low Castes political power, would mean disaster for the city. In times of war or certain other crises, a war chief, or Ubar is named; upon the passing of the crisis, the office surrendered. Please note, that the administrator does not automatically become the Ubar. The administrator can be of any of the five High Castes, while the office of Ubar mo probably would fall to one in the Caste of Warriors.

"The city-state," said my father, speaking to me late one afternoon, "is the basic political division on Gor — hostile cities controlling what territory they can in their environs, surrounded by a no-man's land of open ground on every side."
      "How is leadership decided in these cities?" I asked.
      "Rulers," he said, "are chosen from any High Caste."
      "High Caste?" I asked.
      "Yes, of course," was the answer. "In fact, in the First Knowledge, there is a story told to the young in their public nurseries, that if a man from Lower Caste should come to rule in a city, the city would come to ruin." …
      "The caste structure," said my father patiently, with perhaps the trace of a smile on his face, "is relatively immobile, but not frozen, and depends on more than birth. For example, if a child in his schooling shows that he can raise caste, as the expression is, he is permitted to do so. But similarly, if a child does not show the aptitude expected of his caste, whether it be, say, that of a physician or warrior, he is lowered in caste."
      "I see," I said, not much reassured.
      "The High Castes in a given city," said my father, "elect an administrator and council for stated terms. In times of crisis, a war chief, or Ubar, is named, who rules without check and by decree until, in his judgment, the crisis is passed."
      "In his judgment?" I asked skeptically.
      "Normally the office is surrendered after the passing of the crisis," said my father. "It is part of the Warrior's Code."
      "But what if he does not give up the office?" I asked. I had learned enough of Gor by now to know that one could not always count on the Caste Codes being observed.
      "Those who do not desire to surrender their power," said my father, "are usually deserted by their men. The offending war chief is simply abandoned, left alone in his palace to be impaled by the citizens of the city he has tried to usurp."
      I nodded, imagining a palace, empty save for one man sitting alone on his throne, clad in his robes of state, waiting for the angry people outside the gates to break through and work their wrath.
      "But," said my father, "sometimes such a war chief, or Ubar, wins the hearts of his men, and they refuse to withdraw their allegiance."
      "What happens then?" I asked.
      "He becomes a tyrant," said my father, "and rules until eventually, in one way or another, he is ruthlessly deposed." My father's eyes were hard and seemed fixed in thought. It was not mere political theory he spoke to me. I gathered that he knew of such a man. "Until," he repeated slowly, "he is ruthlessly deposed." — Tarnsman of Gor, pages 42-43.

Of course, the city-state structure doesn't extend to all countries within Gor. Culture specifics often alter the basic structure, though in many ways, still retain the framework of the city-state, while others are hegemonies dictated and governed by one individual.

 

 

*



Special Note

Because of the differences in publishing the books, depending upon whether published in the U.S. or Europe, depending upon whether a first publishing or a Masquerade Books release, page numbers will often vary. All of my quotes are from original, first-printing U.S. publications (see The Books page for a listing of publishers and dates) with the exception of the following books:

  • Tarnsman of Gor (2nd Printing, Balantine)
  • Outlaw of Gor (11th Printing, Balantine)
  • Priest-Kings of Gor (2nd Printing, Balantine)
  • Assassin of Gor (10th Printing, Balantine)
  • Raiders of Gor (15th Printing, Balantine)
  • Captive of Gor (3rd Printing, Balantine)

Disclaimer

These pages are not written for any specific home, but rather as informational pages for those not able to get ahold of the books and read them yourself. Opinions and commentaries are stricly my own personal views, therefore, if you don't like what you are reading — then don't. The information in these pages is realistic to what is found within the books. Many sites have added information, assuming the existences of certain products and practices, such as willowbark and agrimony for healing, and travel to earth and back for the collection of goods. I've explored the books, the flora, the fauna, and the beasts, and have compiled from those mentioned, the probabilities of certain practices, and what vegetation mentioned in the books is suitable for healing purposes, as well as given practicalities to other sorts of roleplaying assumptions.